1. Introduction
In April 1962, Jose Castellanos, a surgeon from New York, boarded a flight to Vietnam. Born in the 1930s, he had not experienced World War II firsthand, but he grew up hearing stories of his relatives’ wartime deployments around the world. He studied medicine in the 1950s, completing his internship and residency by the end of the decade before joining the medical volunteer team with Medical International Cooperation Organization (MEDICO) to advance his career.1) Although service in a developing country provided a unique opportunity for doctors in training to engage in professional activities beyond the scope of those found at home, MEDICO avoided making its patients feel used as training material whether at home or abroad. To uphold the value, MEDICO maintained a firm policy that medical students, interns, residents, and others accepted for overseas service would be limited to duties and activities commensurate with their previous training and experience as well as the highest professional standards in the United States and Canada.2) Alongside team captain James Luce, an internist, Castellanos joined a permanent team in Quang Ngai, Vietnam, for a mission supported by the Orthopedics Overseas Travel Fund and other foundations affiliated with MEDICO.3) This medical volunteerism took place within the greater context of a paradigm shift in global health.
In 1958, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) established MEDICO, a left-wing, liberal project during the Cold War, working with “non-Communist revolutionaries in the Orient and Africa” (Fisher, 1997: 103). The IRC was a volunteer group dedicated to humanitarianism with its power and reputation defined by donations and a favorable connection with US foreign aid. The IRC leadership was made up of East Coast aristocracy and New York Jews whose political views varied from New Deal liberalism to affiliation with the sectarian left, which was in the political mainstream during the time (O’Gara, 1953; Fisher, 1997: 109). MEDICO’s co-founders were two doctors: Peter Comanduras, a faculty member at George Washington University’s School of Medicine, and Thomas A. Dooley, a renowned US Navy physician who helped evacuate refugees from North Vietnam in May 1954 and returned in 1956 to open a hospital in a remote part of Laos (Gallagher, 1965). The two doctors thought that a ‘nongovernmental medical organization’ was necessary to imitate the work of Thomas Dooley in Laos, who mastered advertising and public relations techniques to further his mission (Fisher, 1997: 10). By September 1959, when MEDICO gained independence from the IRC, it conducted short- and long-term operations in Afghanistan, Kenya, Cambodia, Haiti, Malaya, and Vietnam as well as emergency disaster relief initiatives in Morocco, Peru, and Chile.4) After Dooley, an enthusiastic visionary of the organization, died in 1961, Comanduras proposed a formal partnership between MEDICO and Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). Both agencies agreed to the merger, and MEDICO became a medical service of CARE in March 1962.5) After the integration of MEDICO/CARE, MEDICO began shifting away from what was referred to as “the jungle medicine of Dooley”— the establishment of hospitals and clinics in remote areas where most people had never seen a doctor—and toward postgraduate training by MEDICO contract staff and volunteers from their counterparts at medical schools and hospitals in metropolitan areas, which was regarded as a way to enhance global health care.6) This represented a greater use of medical paraprofessionals in addition to doctors, an emphasis on preventative rather than curative medicine, a preference for rural rather than urban health care, and enhanced community involvement (Dominicus & Akamatsu, 1990; Duffy, 1992, Packard, 2016).
MEDICO’s approach not only enhanced health-care outcomes but also facilitated cultural exchange and understanding, challenging the Western-centric model. By incorporating cultural anthropology into medical practice, MEDICO set a precedent for future international health initiatives, highlighting the importance of cultural sensitivity and community involvement in achieving long-term health improvements. Academic references to MEDICO/CARE have not been widely recognized despite its contribution to international humanitarian aid (Aso, 2014; Barnett, 2011; Iriye, 1997; Jones, 2009; Rieff, 2002; Willson & Brown, 2009). Although other volunteer agencies such as the Peace Corps have become notable historical topics, only a few studies to date on international health mention MEDICO and CARE (Schein, 2015; Seo, 2025). Although Han’s work includes CARE’s overseas assistance, there are not yet any full-scale studies on MEDICO (Han, 2021; 2024). This article is also not a full-scale account of MEDICO but rather aims to provide a cross-section examination of the 1960s and 1970s, when international health landscape and aid programs were changing. It explores how MEDICO prepared its volunteers, addresses the cross-cultural challenges, and places MEDICO within the broader context of global health. In doing so, it aims to identify the most important aspects of the overall picture of global health.
2. Becoming a Medical Volunteer
Charity is unconditional transfer of money and aid to those in need, aiming to alleviate suffering. It is based on the belief that no one should live in pain, and those who can help should do so. Critics argue that charity can degrade the poor, making them dependent and powerless, often addressing symptoms rather than causes, and maintaining social order without solving underlying issues. Despite its limitations, the desire to help remains strong, and charity emerges as an expression of compassion rather than a tool for systemic change.7) During the Cold War, international charity groups focused on foreign aid, particularly in developing countries. The Ford Foundation, the wealthiest philanthropic foundation in 1951, aimed to assist India in breaking its cycle of rural poverty (Arnove, 1977: 100–126; Friedman & McGarvie, 2003: 319; McCarthy, 1987: 93–117; Patrick, 1972). This effort was part of a broader strategy to support modernization in the developing world seen as crucial during the Cold War. The Rockefeller Foundation also shifted its focus to developing countries, aiming to support political and economic development in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, and approved a significant financial commitment to these regions in 1955 (Berman, 1983; Friedman & McGarvie, 2003).
Unlike the Ford and Rockefeller Fouations, MEDICO, as a volunteer group involving specific professions, provided a variety of medical services to countries in urgent need. This type of group overlapped with philanthropic agencies but was more focused on mobilizing public participation through public relations. It had well-defined regulations to manage the work of its participants who volunteered their skills overseas to support MEDICO’s overall efforts. In particular, the presence of a permanent team to build lasting relationships with and influence local health was critical. This permanent team comprised “appropriate well-qualified medical and paramedical personnel,” allowing for a long-term program aimed at providing the greatest degree of training for hospital personnel in accordance with local conditions.8) A medical assistance program abroad aimed to train local counterparts in many aspects of medical service while also assisting in the care of the sick and injured, including paramedical functions such as nursing, physical therapy, laboratory technology, and X-ray techniques, which were a part of postwar development projects (Packard, 2016). All these services were also fulfilled in MEDICO programs after the integration of MEDICO/CARE, intending to “to advance the skills of local physicians and paramedical personnel.”9)
The volunteer medical personnel could thus be only experienced individuals in their respective disciplines. The acceptance of an individual for such overseas service was always dependent on the necessity for a person’s qualifications in a certain program at a given time, their acceptability to the host medical authorities, and the presence of adequate supervision of their activities. Given these circumstances, a medical student, intern, or resident would discover many types of human suffering that would pique their professional interest as well as a completely new culture to explore. They were there to serve within their professional boundaries and learn from their experiences; “[Their] learning was ancillary, however, to [their] service and teaching.”10) Each candidate was examined individually based on what service they could provide to the host country rather than what benefit or instruction the host government may recommend for them.
On a practical level, medical volunteers planned their journeys to host countries, prepared for their mission, and decided what to carry.11) MEDICO proposed a specific flight schedule for financial savings.12) To give two examples in areas where MEDICO had programs, Pan American Airways and Air Canada sponsored excursion flights to Afghanistan in collaboration with Ariana Afghan Airlines, resulting in significant savings, and it was significantly cheaper to travel to the Dominican Republic via San Juan, Puerto Rico, from certain eastern locations, even though this was not a direct route, because the US government subsidized flights to Puerto Rico.13) Besides flight scheduling, luggage was packed precisely and economically. Individual volunteers had their luggage weighed before their upcoming trip, and there were extra charges for excess weight. The flight companies allowed 44 pounds (20 kilograms) for each person (66 pounds on some flights) in addition to their carry-on luggage, which had to fit under the seat in front of them. It was desirable that the luggage be lightweight, robust, and extensible in case the volunteers brought home more items. Old military B-4 bags fulfilled these goals.14) Shipping such additional luggage by surface was cheaper, but it took much longer and increased the risk of damage or loss.15)
Furthermore, clothing selection was also an important consideration for the area volunteers were to visit. Formal clothes were rarely essential. In general, conservative, or at least practical, clothes were preferred. If a volunteer took a gray and blue suit, the same shirts, ties, and socks could be worn with each one. To reduce value and weight, a single topcoat that could also double as an overcoat or raincoat was preferred. Many volunteers purchased drip-dry shirts, socks, and underclothes. Although the same broad principles extended to female dress, certain countries had norms and criteria to observe. Women were required to wear a scarf when visiting a mosque, and bangs were not to be exposed. Some mosques (as well as some synagogues and churches) preferred that arms and legs be covered. Although long sleeves and slacks were not required, slacks covered legs and were thus generally desirable when attending a mosque.16) When they went sightseeing, volunteers needed comfortable walking shoes. They might leave home in a newly pressed suit, but after sitting for hours or days on a plane, that suit could be wrinkled beyond recognition when they arrived. Volunteers would carefully place their worn suits on hangers in the bathroom while taking a bath or shower to help remove the wrinkles.17) The emphasis on appropriate clothing and cultural sensitivity underscored the volunteers’ role as informal ambassadors. This approach not only facilitated effective cross-cultural interactions but also contributed to the perception of Americans as global citizens, promoting international goodwill and understanding.
The benefits of traveler’s cheques received emphasis, and the majority of international travelers used US dollars, which was still the most easily convertible exchange medium in all nations (Quinn & Roberds, 2008). Occasionally, they would have to tip someone or purchase a low-cost item only to discover that no change in US cash was available. For the same reasons, having a considerable amount of US change on hand at all times was prudent. Another method employed by some travelers was a letter of credit from their bank, whereby if the document authorized $1,000, and they required $200, they could acquire this amount from a bank, and the document was marked to show that they were still entitled to another $800.18) In terms of currency exchange, some countries offered a favorable rate for visitors; however, this could depend on changing a certain minimum amount of money. For example, in Poland, if you converted $50.00 or more, you would receive bonus coupons in addition to Polish zlotys, which were legal tender only in select government establishments. Credit cards provided the distinct advantage of not needing to carry cash, and some (American Express, Diners Club, Hilton Carte Blanche) were widely accepted. However, in some countries such as Egypt and Sri Lanka, tourists received an unusually attractive currency conversion rate, which was forfeited if they used a credit card.19)
Details about security issues would be another part. It was quite improbable that volunteers would encounter difficulties with customs officers when entering any other country. If a customs official raised a serious query about an item, the volunteers could request that the customs officials place that item in government bond. This meant that they would not bring it into the country and retrieve it when they returned to the airport to leave. The item would be held at the airport and would be within the jurisdiction of that government. Obviously, this would not apply if the volunteer schedule involved entering the country through one airport and departing through another. As a precaution against hijacking at the time, every carry-on luggage items were searched, and each passenger passed through a metal detector device and/or were frisked. Although typically an exception, held luggage was occasionally scrutinized. The importance of these precautions was undeniable, yet the process was time-consuming. Many airlines required domestic passengers to arrive at the airport one hour before departure and international passengers to arrive one-and-a-half hours prior.20) The detailed procedures for handling customs and security underscore the era’s evolving approach to international travel, balancing efficiency with the need for vigilance. This context illustrates the broader geopolitical climate, where increased security protocols became a standard part of travel, shaping the experiences of international volunteers and travelers alike.
The last part of preparation included health tips and vaccine information. Yellow fever, cholera, smallpox, urban plague, louse-borne typhus, and relapsing fever were all uncommon in North America, where the majority of volunteers lived. These and other diseases unfamiliar to Americans were still prevalent in many tropical and subtropical areas of the world. Vaccination helps prevent their spread through international transportation. Many countries, including the United States and Canada, required smallpox vaccinations (Ferguson et al., 2011: 251–262; Manela, 2010: 299–323). Yellow fever and cholera vaccinations were required when travelers arrived from infected areas; under certain circumstances, they were recommended for international travel and sometimes required before leaving a country (Frierson, 2010; Lopez et al., 2014).21) Vaccination against additional diseases was strongly advised although not essential (Colgrove, 2006). It was critical that volunteers followed the immunization requirements and recommendations. Some vaccines acted within a few days, whereas others took months to become effective. The World Health Organization international certificates of vaccination form (also known as the Yellow Card), which was the only acceptable immunization certification for overseas travel, had to show proof of government-mandated vaccinations (Rice, 2017). Volunteers received the form when they applied for their passport and many travel agencies and transportation companies provided this certificate.22) Volunteers were especially concerned about water and food being tainted by improper handling, which could lead to ailments such as dysentery, diarrhea, typhoid fever, and other tropical diseases. They were advised to avoid unboiled drinking water, ice, raw fruits and vegetables, raw milk, dairy products, and unchlorinated swimming pools. Even though the volunteers would be staying in larger cities and high-end hotels, their safety was not taken for granted. Travelers were to seek specific information from local travel companies, diplomatic officers, or MEDICO professionals. Specifically, they should cook everything and drink and brush their teeth only with bottled water.23) All in all, by deploying qualified and prepared medical personnel, MEDICO aimed to enhance local health care through training and sustainable practices. Although the primary goal was to aid host countries, the experience also enriched volunteers professionally and culturally.
3. Crossing Cultural Medical Practice
The majority of the problems that arose in MEDICO’s work came from a visitor’s culture shock and resulting attitudes and behaviors. MEDICO was in a foreign country solely on the invitation and tolerance of the government and medical personnel there. Upon entering the country, the volunteers assumed a diplomatic and representative responsibility not to be overlooked. Regardless of economic status, educational opportunities, or cultural differences, people frequently found a higher level of courtesy and tolerance in the host than the guest. Anyone seeking to work overseas had to demonstrate understanding, maturity, and forbearance. MEDICO was a people-to-people effort with no religious, political, or ideological undertones. In its humanitarian appeal, MEDICO strove to emphasize service, education, and guidance to the maximum extent authorized by the host country.24)
Barbara Scandalis served MEDICO in Columbia, Nigeria, and Indonesia as an orthopedic surgeon and a registered nurse and anthropologist. She also visited several other countries where she observed different cultures and problems created by these cultures in applying the medical practices of the United States and Canada.25) She wrote an influential article on anthropological principles applicable in other countries where medical personnel served based on her Indonesia experience.26) Scandalis’s work centered on the practical application of anthropological notions in cross-cultural medical settings. This entailed comprehending how cultural ideas, practices, and social structures influenced a patient’s perceptions and experiences of sickness as well as how these factors affected health-care delivery. Scandalis’s work aimed to improve health care outcomes and foster cultural sensitivity in medical settings by bridging the gap between anthropological theory and clinical practice. According to Scandalis, there were two methods to understand a culture other than one’s own: One was to attempt to enter indigenous people’s heads and empathize with them, and the other was to interpret their values and conduct. The first step of identification could not be viable in short-term interactions; therefore, “cross-cultural behavior” must be interpreted in one’s own terms to make it understandable.27)
“Culture shock” was a long-standing topic of discussion in government and private volunteer efforts involving overseas charity. Culture shock became a known reality outside of the study of anthropology after many Americans experienced the uncomfortable sensation of anxiousness for no apparent reason while visiting foreign countries (Schein, 2015, Cooper & Cooper, 1990). When an American travels around Western Europe, culture shock is typically minimal or goes missed by many. However, this not-so-extraordinary sensation was most common when traveling in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, where attitudes and values were significantly different (Hoffman, 1998: 134). This can be an unsettling short-term sensation, and people frequently tried to compensate by pointing out what was different in the culture they were visiting and glorifying their own cultural values, holding them up as a yardstick against which to measure all others (Schein, 2015). The endeavor to modify attitudes in cross-cultural settings was partly an atempt to alleviate unease in an unfamiliar atmosphere such as “exhilaration, anxiety, frustration, hostility, bewilderment, homesickness, denial, lethargy and other reactions” (Furnham & Bochner, 1986: xvi).28) Adjustments to these cultural differences may be easier if one understands and accepts the fact that the human mind is capable of devising a number of alternative social, political, and economic solutions to the same human problems and that these alternatives arise in part from a person’s physical environment, cultural milieu, and history. In general, however, everyone was looking for a way to alleviate human suffering and achieve some sense of stability in a tough environment, and the ability to interact constructively across cultures depended on some awareness of cultural distinctions.29) The approach to others frequently utilized by government, corporate agencies, and individuals on a one-on-one or face-to-face basis worsened when seeking to impose one’s own distinct cultural attitudes and beliefs (Schein, 2015).30)
Health and medicine have been culturally linked to other social institutions rather than being viewed as independent entities (Tan & Li, 2016). When medical specialists were invited to a developing country, they tended to approach health problems in a random and short-sighted manner, hoping that the observed disorder would eventually lead to better health conditions for the afflicted population.31) It was vital to note that when doctors went into a developing country with the intention of introducing their medical and health care ideals, they were not doing so in a vacuum. Everyone had specific explanations for diseases, and although they did not anticipate contagion or germs when considering cures, they were aware that conditions were sometimes incurable. Because there was no vacuum to be filled, new therapeutic ideas would inevitably clash with conventional ways. Doctors should be aware that if a suggested home treatment contradicts the patient’s own concept of the cause and cure of disease, the traditional concept may prevail, and any treatment that is contrary to such traditions may not be implemented. However, the treatment may not be carried out exactly as planned because the patient reinterprets what the doctor says based on personal experience. Doctors should appreciate that new concepts and explanations for diseases are not being introduced into a cultural vacuum. One must attempt to displace the old paradigm, which requires a different method than filling a cultural vacuum.32)
This cultural perspective required by medical volunteers closely mirrored the anthropological approach of the late twentieth century. The anthropological approach was the most distinctive epistemology to develop during the Cold War. This method utilized the concept that distinct local cultures should be respected with specific focus given to local values and belief systems. One of the common approaches during this period was that of cultural anthropology, which focused on non-Western cultures. The technique revolved around cultural relativism, and had a significant impact on cultural anthropology. Cultural relativism theories challenged the race-based approach, which assumed the West’s racial and cultural supremacy, and suggested that values and beliefs be evaluated using the norms of the local culture (Perry, 1984: 319–324). Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict, for example, were two of the most prominent figures in cultural relativism during this period. Ruth Benedict studied under Franz Boas and became dubious of widespread racial beliefs, stating that each culture had distinct values and beliefs. Benedict’s book The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946) employed cultural relativism to analyze Japanese culture. Her insights had a profound impact on the American public’s understanding of Asia during the 1940s (Shannon, 1995: 670, 678–679). Despite using a cultural anthropology approach, Benedict’s conclusions were not entirely free of racism because they bore similarities with Oriental or racial views. Benedict avoided utilizing the third person in her analysis of Japanese culture, which is common in racial and Oriental studies. She highlighted Japan’s masculine and tight social structure, claiming it lacked democracy and freedom. Although she pursued cultural anthropology, Benedict still used Western male culture as the criteria of her analysis of Japan (Yoshihara, 2003). Her analysis was similar to integration in that both cultural anthropology and integration share the view that diverse cultures can be united under one roof in the free world. Universalism is based on cultural relativism, and its key elements were included in the integration theory. These principles embody the fundamental qualities of Western society.
4. Promoting Preventive Medicine
When public health became a significant part of postwar development programs such as Point Four and volunteer humanitarian programs such as Peace Corps, the scarcity of well-trained health workers was a key problem in underdeveloped areas (Francis, 2022; Latham, 2011; Seo, 2025). The idea of world health arising in the 1930s did not supplant older imperialera approaches to public health. Instead, they represented the diversification of public health practices and traditions that dominated international health activities from the interwar period and continued into the postwar era, interacting with Cold War ideology (Packard, 2016: 49). “Health [became] one of the interrelated factors in the life of a community or country,” which was a core concept in social medicine in the 1930s, and the idea became tradition in the postwar world, especially beyond the West.33) Social medicine crossing borders underlined both preventive and curative health initiatives, meaning that medicine covered all other social constructions such as economy, culture, and environment. Thus, social medicine as a concept called for collaboration among health authorities and other administrative and technical agencies such as agriculture, veterinary services, education, and urban affairs. It emphasized the importance of increasing elementary hygiene education, starting with primary schools. And it urged that in both therapeutic and preventive activities, indigenous staff should be used to the utmost extent (Packard, 2016: 47–48). It was part of a larger movement of public health projects in Europe and its colonies that improving health necessitated both the establishment of health services and building relationships between health care and patterns of social and economic progress. This trend began in the late 1920s, when social medicine emerged in Europe as a multifaceted notion that reflected several cultural and intellectual traditions, including eugenics and social hygiene, illness etiology, and the establishment of PHC systems (Chorev, 2012; Cueto, 2004; Cueto et al., 2019). Additionally, governments bore responsibility for their people’s health, which could be ensured only through the implementation of suitable health and social policies (Staples, 2006).34) Then, there was a shift to preventive medicine, which was similar to but different from the social medicine of the 1960s and 1970s.
Especially after the 1970s, MEDICO’s volunteer program was related to preventive medicine. MEDICO was an exemplar of international volunteerism within the greater context of the paradigm shift in global health, which emphasized that prevention of disease was more effective than treating established illnesses or complications, and the creation of a philosophy and attitude of prevention was the task of physicians and health staff, particularly teachers. Fractures, tuberculosis of the spine and joints, poliomyelitis, and infections were all operated on, but little was done to avoid their “occurrence, recurrence, or complications.”35) Robert S. Siffert, a board member of CARE, mentioned that “it is like a sinking rowboat; we bale out the water that is rushing in just to stay afloat” (Kaufman, 2016).36) Prevention of disease, much like covering a leaking hole in a boat, was a major medical concern in both industrialized and developing countries. The attitude toward disease prevention, methods, and procedures were often of secondary importance and low priority in training programs and daily practice, particularly in developing countries (Dominicus & Akamatsu, 1990).37)
Unlike social medicine, which viewed governmental control to manage society, preventive medicine focused on individual-level solutions, particularly nutrition and immunity. Immunization, sanitation, nutrition, early disease detection, and maternity and childcare became some examples of public health prevention. Immunization was the single most effective preventative approach for children.38) The same idea applied to nutrition and sanitation. A family was often given little or no information if the condition was caused or exacerbated by bad eating habits, consuming dirty water, or drinking milk from tuberculosis-infected animals (Levenstein, 2003; Scrinis, 2013). In the category of early diagnosis, it was more serious to see children or adults in the advanced stages of a condition that could have been treated successfully and affordably if brought to a doctor sooner. Early detection and treatment were among the most important approaches for avoiding later handicaps. Clinics for routine examinations of pregnant women and healthy babies throughout the first year of life can detect disease and complications and advise the mother on preventive personal and childcare measures.39)
Preventive medicine is part of the field of public health that embraces medical measures to prevent disease.40) In underdeveloped countries, the hurdles to acceptable public health are frequently so great that a defeatist mindset prevails. Economic constraints frequently make it impossible to avoid overcrowding, inadequate sanitation, and starvation. Cultural, religious, and societal practices establish acceptable and cost-effective treatment options with hospitals and doctors serving as a last choice. Immunizations, dietary changes, hygiene, and regular checkups may be either unavailable or inappropriate. Although it can be true that when a country’s economy grows, better housing, sanitation, education, population management, and other factors lessen the threat of nutritional, digestive, and infectious diseases, these changes happen only gradually. During a country’s economic development, public health is often a low priority. Only the medical profession can effect needed changes. Leadership by medical professionals can create attitudes and philosophies that prevention is primary in the minds of students and health personnel, particularly nurses, and can secondarily influence administrators, health ministers, and other governmental individuals and agencies to recognize the medical and economic principles of prevention as fundamental components of a country’s overall growth.41) This idea was reflected in an increase in using medical paraprofessionals as well as physicians, an increased emphasis on preventative medicine as opposed to curative medicine, a preference for rural health care as opposed to urban health care, and an emphasis on increased community involvement.42) This indicated that social medicine as practiced in earlier eras shifted into the discipline of preventive medicine at the individual level, as shown in the MEDICO volunteer program.
5. Conclusion
The MEDICO’s volunteers program shows the evolution of global health initiatives during the 1960s and 1970s, highlighting transition from “jungle medicine” to a more structured approach that emphasized preventive care and individual capacity building. MEDICO’s collaboration with local health-care providers marked a significant shift in international medical volunteerism. This not only aimed at providing immediate medical assistance but also sought to empower local communities by enhancing their health-care infrastructure and capabilities. Furthermore, by aligning with anthropological principles, MEDICO volunteers were well equipped to navigate the complexities of working in diverse cultural settings. This cultural perspective was crucial in ensuring that medical interventions were respectful and effective, ultimately leading to better health outcomes.
MEDICO’s efforts were instrumental in fostering a new paradigm in global health, one that prioritized sustainable development and community involvement over short-term interventions. MEDICO’s integration of preventive medicine and cultural awareness set a precedent for future international health initiatives. Despite the lack of widespread recognition, MEDICO’s contributions to global health and humanitarian aid were significant, paving the way for more holistic and culturally informed approaches to international medical assistance. This shift anticipated broader public health movements, such as the Alma-Ata declaration (1978), by demonstrating that sustainable improvements stem from empowering communities to manage their own health systems. This study examines only MEDICO’s volunteer program and does not include all foreign health efforts carried out by the United Nations, the US government, and others. Another shortcoming of this study is that it does not include socialist countries, which would be something that could be addressed in future research.
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